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SPEECH 

OF 

JOSIAH    TURNER,    JR. 

OF    OKAKGE, 
Delivered  in  the  Senate,  January,  1861. 


[The  Senate  having  under  consideration  a  bill  to  call  a  Con- 
vention of  the  people  of  North  Carolina  upon  Federal  Relations, 
Mr.  Turner  moved  to  amend,  by  striking  out  all  after  the  word 
bill,  and  insert  Mr.  Crittenden's  resolutions,  with  additional  re- 
solutions offered  by  himself.] 

Mr.  Speaker  : — The  good  and  great  men  who  framed  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  well  knew  that  the  Constitu- 
tions of  States,  like  the  constitutions  of  men,  would  wear  out — 
and  hence  in  the  fifth  article  of  the  fourth  section  of  the  Con- 
stitution, they  provided  means  of  amendment,  by  which  new 
life  might  be  infused  into  the  Constitution. 

The  two  questions  which  now  agitate  the  country,  and  shake 
it  from  centre  to  circumference,  were  to  the  framers  of  the  Con- 
stitution, serious  obstacles  to  the  harmonious  union  of  the  old 
thirteen. 

When  calls  were  made  upon  each  of  the  old  thirteen  to  con- 
' tribute  men  and  money  for  the  war  of  the  revolution,  the  diffi- 
culty was  in  what  ratio  shall  they  contribute. 

First,  they  tried  the  valuation  of  land  as  the  basis  of  contri- 
bution. This  they  abandoned,  and  adopted  population  as  better 
evidence  of  ability  to  contribute.  The  South  said  our  young 
aud  our  old  slaves  are  a  burden  upon  us  ;  in  laying  direct  tax 


they  should  not  be  counted  as  a  free  white  man.  Agreed  said 
the  North,  if  they  are  not  counted  in  taxation,  they  must  not 
be  counted  in  representation.  So  five  slaves  shall  count  as 
three  free  men,  both  in  taxation  and  representation.  Thus  was 
settled  the  slavery  question. 

The  territorial  question  for  awhile  defeated  and  delayed  the  ar- 
ticles of  confederation.  New  York,  Virginia,  Georgia  and  North 
Carolina,  owned  most  of  the  public,  or  waste  lands,  as  they  were 
called. 

Those  States  which  owned  no  public  lands,  demanded,  that 
the  waste  or  public  lands  should  be  brought  into  the  hodgepodge; 
having  been  bought  with  the  common  blood  and  treasury  of  all, 
they  should  be  held  and  regarded  as  the  joint  property  of  all. 

North  Carolina  and  the  States  owning  land,  said,  the  public 
or  waste  land,  are  within  our  chartered  limits  and  rightly  be- 
long to  us.  In  a  spirit  of  conciliation  and  concession,  they 
finally  yielded  their  lands  to  the  confederation,  as  common  pro- 
perty. All  did  this,  save  Massachusetts.  She  refused  to  give  up 
the  territory  of  Maine.  New  York  was  first  to  set  the  example. 
She  gave  up  all  her  lands  west  of  her  present  boundary  ;  her 
title  was  doubtful,  if  of  any  value.  South  Carolina  followed — 
she  had  little  or  nothing  to  give.  On  the  1st  of  March,  1784, 
Virginia  ceded  her  vast  domain  in  the  North- West,  extending 
to  the  lakes  and  the  Mississippi.  North  Carolina  ceded  to  the 
confederacy  the  territory  which  now  makes  the  State  of  Ten- 
nessee. By  the  Mexican  war,  we  acquired  a  vast  territory. 
New  England  proposes  to  exclude  us  from  that  territory.  We 
have  not  forgotten  the  argument  she  used  to  cause  us  to  surren- 
der Tennessee.  Let  us  offer  their  own  argument  with  which  we 
were  convinced ;  let  us  with  firmness  and  moderation  enforce 
the  argument  in  the  Union,  if  needs  be,  with  the  sword.  If 
they  are  insensible  to  the  justice  of  our  rights  in  the  territories  ; 
if  they  are  forgetful  of  our  magnanimity  in  letting  them  into 
territory  which  lay  within  our  chartered  limits,  let  us  not  se- 
cede nor  lose  sight  of  them  until  Av*e  have  forced  them  into  a 
sense  of  justice,  and  an  acknowledgement  of  our  rights.  I  am 
for  securing  our  territorial  rights  by  argument  and  negotiation 
in  the  Union  ;  when  that  fails,  I  am  for  coercion.  If  we  can't 
whip  New  England  into  the  Union,  we  can't  whip  her  out  of  it. 


The  fifth  article  of  the  Constitution  says  :  "  Congress,  when- 
ever two-thirds  of  both  houses  shall  deem  it  necessary,  shall 
propose  amendments  to  this  Constitution,  or,  on  the  application 
of  the  legislatures  of  two-thirds  of  the  several  States,  shall  call 
a  Convention  for  proposing  amendments,  which,  in  either  case, 
shall  be  valid  to  all  intents  and  purposes  as  part  of  this  Consti- 
tution when  ratified  by  the  legislatures  of  three-fourths  of  the 
several  States,  or  by  Conventions  in  three-fourths  thereof,  as 
the  one  or  the  other  mode  of  ratification  may  be  proposed  by 
Congress." 

It  is  now  conceded  on  the  part  of  all,  that  the  Union  can  be 
maintained  only  by  amending  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  and  making  it  fully  acknowledge  and  forever  settle  the 
rights  of  the  South.  That  clause  of  the  Constitution  quoted 
above,  gives  to  Congress  and  three-fourths  of  the  several  legis- 
latures the  power  of  amending  the  Constitution.  Let  this  Gen- 
oral  Assembly  begin  the  work. 

When  your  State  Convention  is  called  it  will  have  no  consti- 
tutional right  to  break  up  and  destroy  the  government  by  peace- 
able secesion.  That  Convention  can  only  propose  amendments 
to  the  Constitution  ;  this  legislature  can  do  the  same,  and  this 
Legislature,  with  Congress  and  three-fourths  of  the  States,  can 
redress  our  national  grievances  quite  as  well  as  a  Convention  ; 
but  the  friends  of  the  Convention  have  left  us  in  no  doubt  as  to 
their  purpose — they  mean  to  subvert  and  destroy  the  govern- 
ment, if  they  can. 

The  original  bill  was  a  monster.  It  proposed  to  inaugurate 
revolution  without  consulting  the  people.  It  violated  the  plain 
letter  and  spirit  of  the  Constitution,  which  we  had  just  sworn  to 
support.  Its  avowed  friends  are  now  its  avowed  enemies.  Well  mav 
they  secede  from  such  a  bill.  The  old  Napoleon,  standing  behind 
his  cannon,  might  have  proposed  such  a  bill  to  the  French 
-^people,  but  the  present  Napoleon  dare  not  do  it. 

I  have  said  your  Convention,  when  called,   could  not   carry 

-  \   the  State  out  of  the  Union  by  peaceable  secession.     Who  sus- 

I  tains  me  in  this  opinion  ?     First,  Mr.  Madison,  who  we  are  told 

J>  regarded  nullification,  secession  and  disunion,  synonymous  terms, 

as  dangerous  to  the  Union  as.  fire  to  gunpowder.     He  said  "  to 

v  say  a  State  could  at  pleasure  secede,  was  to  put  a  keg  of  powder 

j 
o 
* 


under  the  Constitution,  and  a  match  in  every  man's  hand  to 
blow  up  the  government  at  his  pleasure." 

The  golden  speaker  Webster,  said  :  "  The  Constitution  does 
not  provide  for  events  which  must  be  preceded  by  its  own  des- 
tiuction.  Secession,  therefore,  since  it  must  bring  these  conse- 
quences with  it,  is  revolutionary.  What  is  revolution  ?  That 
which  overturns  existing  public  authority ;  that  which  arrests 
the  exercise  of  the  supreme  power ;  that  which  subverts  one 
authority  and  substitutee  another. 

In  1833,  Mr.  Calhoun  said,  civil  war,  disunion  and  anarchy, 
roust  accompany  secession. 

What  is  the  voice  from  the  grave  of  him,  to  whom  every 
Democrat  once  paid  homage  ?  I  mean  the  hero,  patriot  and  sage 
of  the  Hermitage  !  Be  still  and  hear  it :  "  The  right  of  the  peo- 
ple of  a  single  State  to  absolve  themselves  at  will  and  without 
the  consent  of  the  other  States  from  their  most  solemn  obliga- 
tions, and  hazard  the  liberties  and  happiness  of  the  millions 
composing  this  Union,  cannot  be  acknowledged." 

Open  and  organized  resistance  to  the  laws,  shall  not  be  per- 
mitted with  impunity.  Such  was  the  language  of  Jackson  to 
South  Carolina  in  1833. 

Are  the  States  sovereign  a»d  independent  ?  No !  Who 
sustains  me  in  this  opinion  ? 

First.  Chief  Justice  Marshall,  in  the  case  of  Craig  against 
the  State  of  Missouri,  says :  "  That  the  States  in  somethings 
are  sovereign,  in  other  things  they  are  subordinate." 

Secondly.  The  Supreme  Court  of  North  Carolina,  in  the 
matter  of  Strange  and  Thompson,  to  be  found  in  3d  Hawks, 
have  declared  the  Constitution  of  North  Carolina  in  part  an- 
nulled by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  the  wise 
and  good  Judge  Taylor,  in  delivering  the  opinion  of  the  court, 
says  :  "  The  execution  of  any  human  system  of  laws  consists 
as  much  in  their  administration  and  practice,  as  in  the  theory 
itself."  And  so  it  does.  Mr.  Speaker,  a  bad  government  well 
administered,  is  better  than  a  good  government  wickedly  and 
corruptly  administered.  There  is  no  defect  in  the  theory  of  our 
government;  the  defect  is  all  in  the  administration  and  practice. 
A  wise  and  sagacious  statesman  once  said,  you  can  easily  tell 
the  character  of  rulers  by  the  condition  of  the  people.     "  If 


you  find  a  people  prosperous  in  their  industry,  united  at  home 
and  respected  abroad,  you  may  be  sure  their  government  is  con- 
ducted by  men  of  integrity  and  ability.  If,  on  the  other  hand, 
you  find  them  divided  at  home,  mistrusting  and  hating  their 
rulers,  you  may  be  sure  their  affairs  are  conducted  by  men  weak, 
wicked  or  corrupt." 

I  have  not,  Mr.  Speaker,  completed  the  proof  that  the  States 
single,  are  in  many  things  subordinate  to  the  States  united.  In 
the  revised  code,  is  a  letter  from  General  Washington,  as  Presi- 
dent of  the  Convention  of  1787,  submitting  the  Constitution  to 
Congress.  The  Father  of  his  Country  says  :  "  It  is  obviously 
impracticable  in  the  Federal  Government  of  these  States  to  se- 
cure all  rights  of  independent  sovereignty  to  each,  and  yet  pro- 
vide for  the  safety  and  interest  of  all.  Individuals  entering 
into  society  must  give  up  a  share  of  liberty  to  preserve  the  rest. 
In  all  our  deliberations  on  this  subject,  we  kept  steadily  in  our 
view,  that  which  appeared  to  us  the  greatest  interest  of  every 
true  American — the  consolidation  of  our  Union,  in  which  is  in- 
volved our  prosperity,  felicity,  safety,  perhaps  our  national 
existence." 

Patrick  Henry  advised  the  people  of  Virginia  not  to  go  into 
the  present  Union — the  States  would  only  be  corporations. 

Again,  sir,  the  Constitution  of  North  Carolina  declares,  "that 
perpetuities  and  monopolies  are  contrary  to  the  genius  of  a  free 
State,  and  ought  not  to  be  allowed."  The  supreme  government 
at  Washington,  daily  disregard  this  plain  injunction,  by  issuing 
patents,  and  thus  creating  monopolies.  If  further  proof  is 
wanting  to  show  that  the  States  are  in  many  things  subordinate, 
I  call  to  witness  the  oath  we  have  taken  to  support  the  Consti- 
tution of  North  Carolina,  not  inconsistent  with  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States.  I  call  to  witness  the  plain  letter  of  the 
Constitution  itself,  "  forbidding  States  to  coin  money,  or  emit 
bills  of  credit,  or  keep  troops  or  ships  of  war  in  time  of  peace, 
or  entering  into  any  agreement  or  contract  with  another  State 
or  a  foreign  power,  or  engaging  in  war,  unless  invaded  or  in 
imminent  danger."  Tell  me,  Mr.  Speaker,  that  any  State  in 
this  Union  is  sovereign  and  independent,  without  these  attri- 
butes of  sovereignty.  You  had  as  well  tell  me  that  Charles  V. 
was  sovereign  after  he  abdicated  in  favor  of  his  son  Phillip. 


Diocletian,  the  Roman  Emperor  was  sovereign,  but  he  abdicated; 
and  retired  to  Solona,  and  betook  himself  to  raising  cabbage. 
The  Southern  States  were  sovereign,  but  they  abdicated  to  the 
General  Government,  and  betook  themselves  to  making  cotton. 
The  Northern  States  abdicated,  and  betook  themselves  to  manu- 
facturing. There  was  another  Emperor,  we  are  told,  who 
reigned  and  abdicated  with  Diocletian — it  was  Maximian.  Maxi- 
mian  was  not  content  to  live  in  retirement.  Like  South  Carolina, 
he  wished  to  resume  his  sovereignty,  and  he  did  so  by  seizing 
the  throne  and  the  treasury,  producing  a  series  of  public 
calamities  which  resulted  in  his  own  destruction. 

Mr.  Speaker,  the  people  of  North  Carolina  cannot  now  de- 
clare for  disunion,  and  march  off  with  South  Carolina,  without 
a  sacrifice  of  their  dignity  and  a  surrender  of  their  own  opinion. 
In  November  last  they  declared  the  election  of  Lincoln  would  be  no 
cause  for  disunion;  Lincoln  has  done  nothing,  Lincoln  has  said  noth- 
ing, to  cause  them  to  change  that  opinion.  If  they  go,  they  go 
not  upon  their  own  judgment  and  conviction,  but  they  go  as 
captives  tied  to  the  chariot  wheels  of  South  Carolina,  to  attend 
and  grace  her  unconstitutional  triumphs.  I  shall  feel  humiliated 
if  I  see  them  tied  to  the  chariot  wheels,  and  fear  if  I  see  them 
seated  in  the  chariot,  I  shall  think  of  Phaeton,  the  son  of  Apollo, 
who  said  he  had  discovered  a  new  track  across  the  heavens  for 
the  sun — 

"  Thus  Phaeton  once  amid  the  etherial  plains, 
Leaped  on  his  father's  car  and  seized  the  reins, 
Far  from  his  course  impelled  the  glowing  sun 
Till  nature's  laws  in  wild  disorder  run." 

I  say  with  such  political  charioteers  as  young  Rhett  and 
Keitt,  let  the  people  of  North  Carolina  beware  how  they  ride. 
I  had  as  soon  think  of  trusting  Mons.  Blondin  to  take  me  out  of 
this  Union  upon  his  back,  on  the  stran  of  wire  which  he  has 
suspended  over  the  rushing  cataract  of  Niagara,  as  to  trust  my- 
self to  be  taken  out  by  those  conspirators  against  the  govern- 
ment, who  fired  the  southern  heart  and  precipitated  the  cotton 
States  into  revolution.  A  wide  breach  is  now  made  between 
the  North  and  the  South  ;  a  breach  is  made  in  the  Constitution. 
The  extreme  North  and  the  extreme  South  live  and  move  in 
violation  of  the  Constitution.     Who  shall  heal  the  breach  made 


In  the  Union  and  the  Constitution  ?  Who  shall  restore  peace  to 
the  country  ?  Not  those  who  disturb  its  tranquility.  North 
Carolina,  Virginia,  Maryland,  Missouri,  Tennessee  and  old 
Kentucky,  must  heal  the  breach.  They  must  restore  tranquility 
to  the  country.  Let  these  six  States,  who  obey  the  laws,  main- 
tain the  Constitution  and  keep  the  faith.  Let  them,  I  say,  stand 
upon  Crittenden's  resolutions,  and  settle  at  once  and  forever  the 
territorial  and  the  slavery  question.  Let  them,  in  the  languaage 
of  the  patriotic  Hayne,  "  call  upon  the  North  and  upon  the  South, 
to  meet  in  the  true  spirit  of  conciliation  and  concession,  and 
dry  up  at  its  fount  these  never  failing  sources  of  the  waters  of 
bitterness,"  and  be  assured,  if  they  can  do  it,  posterity  will  re- 
gard them  as  the  second  founders  of  the  Republic. 

If  all  the  southern  States  shall  desert  the  Union,  the  Consti- 
tution and  the  flag  of  Washington,  let  North  Carolina  stand 
alone.  When  she  parts  with  the  general  government,  I  pray 
you,  let  it  not  be  by  that  shameful,  disgraceful,  doctrine, 
"  peaceable  secession."  Let  her  not  leave  with  her  back  to  the 
enemy.     Let  her  part  as  Jacob  did  with  Laban. 

Sacred  history  describes  the  parting  of  Jacob  and  Laban, 
after  this  manner :  "  And  Jacob  beheld  the  countenance  of 
Laban,  and  behold  it  was  not  towards  him  as  before.  And 
Jacob  took  a  stone  and  set  it  up  for  a  pillar.  And  Jacob  said 
unto  his  brethren,  gather  stones,  and  they  took  stones  and  made 
an  heap,  and  they  did  eat  there  upon  the  heap.  And  Laban 
said  to  Jacob,  behold  this  heap,  and  behold  this  pillar,  which  I 
have  cast  betwixt  thee  and  me.  This  heap  be  witness,  and  this 
pillar  be  witness,  that  I  will  not  pass  over  this  heap  to  thee, 
and  that  thou  shall  not  pass  over  this  heap  and  this  pillar  unto 
me  for  harm." 

The  countenance  of  the  North  is  not  towards  us  as  it  was 
before.  Give  time,  and  if  that  countenance  does  not  change  take 
a  stone  and  set  it  up  for  a  pillar.  Set  it  up  on  the  line  that 
divides  the  North  from  the  South.  Tell  the  North  that  they  can- 
not pass  by  it  for  harm  to  us.  If  they  should  attempt  to  pass 
by  it,  call  on  the  South,  now  so  eager  for  the  fray,  to  come  and 
defend  slave  territory.  Say  to  the  whole  South  as  Inka  said  to 
Bahama,  "here  and  now  is  the  time  to  strike." 


8 

The  District  of  Columbia  is  slave  territory.  Shall  we  desert  it  ? 
Shall  we  give  it  up  to  the  enemy  ?  We  have  rights  and  pro- 
perty in  the  territories,  are  they  to  be  surrendered  ?  We  have 
been  taxed  for  eighty  years  to  build  up  an  army  and  a  navy — are 
they  to  be  surrendered  to  ?  Was  ever  such  a  proposition  before 
made  to  reasonable  men  who  know  their  rights,  and  knowing, 
will  dare  maintain  them  ? 

Will  you  be  better  off  in  the  new  government  ?  Has  South 
Carolina,  now  that  she  is  out  of  the  Union,  any  more  security 
for  her  slaves  than  she  had  before  ?  What  law  has  she  passed 
to  make  Massachusetts  surrender  fugitives  from  labor  ?  I  wish 
our  Democratic  friends  would  allow  the  slaveholders  to  take 
care  of  their  slaves  as  they  do  of  their  horses  and  other  pro- 
property.  We  should  be  better  off.  For  twenty  years  they  have 
assumed  the  guardianship  of  the  slave  upon  this  question  they 
made  the  South  almost  a  unit  for  Mr.  Buchanan.  They  de- 
nounced such  slaveholders  as  Gilmer  and  Rayner,  because  they 
would  not  vote  with  them.  Now  the  man  who  fails  to  vote  with 
them,  is  an  enemy  to  the  institution  and  a  traitor  to  the  South, 
an  ally  of  Lincoln  and  a  friend  of  Seward.  Such  are  the 
means  used  to  drive  good  men  into  the  support  of  their  wicked 
designs,  for  the  destruction  of  the  best  government  the  world 
ever  saw. 

After  the  reign  of  Phillip,  when  Spain  was  in  danger,  and 
her  statesmen  in  doubt  what  to  do,  they  always  said,  let  us  con- 
sult the  genius  of  Phillip.  America  is  in  danger,  we  are  in 
doubt  what  to  do — let  us  consult  the  genius  and  spirit  of  Wash- 
ington. His  farewell  address  is  the  noblest  production  that 
ever  fell  from  an  uninspired  pen.  In  that  address  he  as  clearly 
foretells  the  coming  of  our  present  difficulties,  as  did  the  pro- 
phets^of  old  foretell  the  difficulties,  dangers  and  final  ruin  of 
Babylon  and  Jerusalem.  If  the  Black  Republican  North,  and 
the  Red  Republican  South,  will  only  hear  counsel  and  receive 
instruction  from  the  genius  of  Washington,  peace  to  our  un- 
happy country  will  soon  be  restored. 

That  address  says  :  "  In  contemplating  the  causes  which  may 
disturb  our  Union,  it  occurs,  as  a  matter  of  serious  concern, 
that  any  ground  should  have  been  furnished  for  characterizing 
parties  by  geographical  discriminations,  Northern  and  South- 


9 

era.  One  of  the  expedients  of  party  to  acquire  influence 
within  particular  districts,  is  to  misrepresent  the  opinions  and 
aims  of  other  districts.  You  cannot  shield  yourselves  too 
much  against  the  jealousies  and  heart-burnings  which  spring 
from  these  misrepresentations ;  they  tend  to  render  alien  to 
each  other  those  who  ought  to  be  bound  together  by  fraternal 
affection."  Who  will  not  bear  evidence  to  the  truth  of  this  pro- 
phesy? who  will  deny  that  the  political  weapons  used  for  ten 
years  by  both  North  and  South  have  been  falsehood  and  mis- 
representation ? 

•^Again,"  says  the  political  prophet,  "let  me  warn  you  in 
the  most  solemn  manner  against  the  baneful  effects  of  the  spirit 
of  party."  This  spirit,  unfortunately,  is  inseparable  from  our 
nature,  having  its  root  in  the  strongest  passions  of  the  human 
mind.  It  exists  under  different  shapes  in  all  governments  ;  but 
in  those  of  a  popular  fonn,  it  is  seen  in  its  greatest  rankness, 
and  is  truly  their  worst  enemy. 

-The  alternate  domination  of  one  faction  over  another,  sharp- 
ened by  the  spirit  of  revenge  natural  to  party  dissensions, 
which,  in  different  ages  and  countries,  has  perpetuated  the  most 
horrid  enormities,  is  itself  a  frightful  despotism. 

"'The  duty  of  a  wise  people  is  to  discourage  and  restrain  the 
spirit  of  party.  It  serves  always  to  distract  the  public 
councils,  and  enfeeble  the  public  administration.  It  agi- 
tates the  community  with  ill-founded  jealousies  and  false 
alarms ;  kindles  the  animosity  of  one  party  against  the 
other,  and  foments  occasional  riot  and  insurrection.  It  opens 
the  door  to  foreign  influence  and  corruption.  The  unity 
of  government  which  constitutes  you  one  people  is  also  now 
dear  to  you.  It  is  justly  so  ;  for  it  is  a  main  pillar  in  the 
edifice  of  your  real  independence,  the  supporting  your  tran- 
quility at  home,  your  peace  abroad,  of  your  safety,  of  your 
prosperity,  of  that  very  liberty  which  you  so  highly  prize. 
Much  pains  will  be  taken,  many  artifices  employed  to  weaken  in 
your  minds  the  conviction  of  this  truth ;  as  this  is  the  point  in 
your  political  fortress  against  which  the  batteries  of  internal 
and  external  enemies  will  be  most  constantly  and  actively  di- 
rected, cherish  a  cordial,  habitual  and  immovable  attachment 
to  the  Union  ;  think  and  speak  of  it  as  the  palladium  of  your 
political  prosperity  and  safety.     Watching  for  its   preservation 


10 

with  jealous  anxiety,  discountenancing  whatever  may  suggest 
even  a  suspicion  that  it  can,  in  any  event,  be  abandoned." 

Washington  as  clearly  foresaw,  Mr.  Speaker,  as  you  and  I 
now  see,  that  party  spirit  is  to  ruin  the  country.  Two  factions 
are  now  pulling  down  the  government  over  the  heads  of  a  quiet, 
contented  and  happy  people.  Both  factions  seem  to  have  for- 
gotten four  things  :  That  tftere  is  a  God;  a  Union;  a  Constitu- 
tion, and  a  people.  They  have  forgotten  that  this  government 
is  one  of  God's  ordinances  for  the  propagation  of  his  gospel ; 
the  improvement  of  Europe  ;  the  civilization  of  Africa,  and  the 
domestic  tranquility  of  America.  Both  factions  have  forgotten 
that  the  people  do  not  live  by  office. 

The  Democratic  leaders  and  office-holders  have  been  spoiled 
by  success.  They  are  like  Frederick  the  Great — they  have 
been  so  used  to  victory  they  cannot  brook  defeat.  When  Fred- 
erick was  hard  pressed  by  his  enemies  in  a  desperate  fight 
for  the  capital  of  his  kingdom,  he  sent  a  dispatch  to  Berlin 
saying,  "All  is  safe."  The  tide  of  battle  changed,  and  an- 
other messenger  is  sent — "  Tell  the  Royal  family  to  fly ;  all  is 
lost ;  I  have  no  resources  left ;  I  will  not  survive  the  ruin  of 
my  country.  I  will  not  be  taken  alive.  It  is  hard  for  a  man 
to  bear  what  I  have  to  bear." 

When  the  battle  for  the  Presidency  was  going  on  in  Novem- 
ber last,  the  Fredericks  of  Democracy  sent  dispatches  to  the 
Capital  "  all  is  safe."  When  the  battle  closed,  the  Goddess  of 
Fortune,  they  found,  had  deserted  them.  Now  they  send  word, 
"  tell  the  royal  family  to  fly,  not  only  from  the  Capital,  but 
from  the  Union ;  all  is  lost ;  they  have  no  resources  left ;  they 
will  not  survive  the  ruin  cf  their  party ;  they  think  it  hard  for 
man  to  bear  what  they  have  to  bear ;  they  will  not  be  taken 
alive." 

There  is  another  point  of  resemblance  between  Frederick  the 
Great  and  the  Democratic  leaders :  Frederick  always  fought 
■with  deadly  poison  in  his  pocket.  In  a  little  glass  case  he  car- 
ried corrosive  sublimate,  that  he  might  commit  suicide  and  not 
be  taken  alive.  The  leaders  of  Democracy  have  fought  two 
battles  with  the  poison  of  disunion  in  their  pockets.  You  re- 
member, Mr.  Speaker,  that  Senator  Clingman  recommended  re- 
sistance in  1856   in  case  of  Fremont's  election.     Domiciliarv 


11 

visits,  such  as  were  common  in  the  French  revolution,  are  hinted 
at ;  or  in  his  own  words,  those  who  acquiesced  in  the  election  of 
a  Black  Republican  were  to  be  "  visited  with  swift  attention  by 
vigilance  committees."  The  leaders  of  the  party  are  now  ready 
to  commit  suicide  by  swallowing  the  disunion  pills  which  they 
have  carried  into  two  campaigns.  I  shall  be  greatly  deceived 
in  the  character  and  intelligence  of  the  honest  Democratic  peo- 
ple if  they  take  such  physic  from  such  political  doctors  and 
leaders. 

Posterity,  Mr.  Speaker,  will  read  the  history  of  the  present 
day  with  utter  astonishment,  that  thirty  millions  of  people  had 
allowed  one  hundred  thousand  office  holders  and  office  seekers 
to  endanger  their  property,  persons  and  liberty,  all  because  the 
Presidential  election  did  not  turn  out  to  suit  them.  The  country 
is  in  imminent  danger,  and  I  want  the  people  to  come  to  the 
rescue.  If  the  politicians  will  only  give  them  a  chance,  they 
can,  they  will  save  us  from  domestic  discord  and  civil  war.  Con- 
gress and  the  politicians  cannot  save  us ;  they  are  the  mischief- 
makers  :  they  are  the  architects  of  our  ruin ;  they  are  opening 
the  cartridge  box  for  the  people  instead  of  the  ballot-box.  This 
might  do  for  Europe,  for  Europe  is  governed  by  the  sword.  It 
will  not,  it  shall  net  do  for  America,  for  she  is  governed  by  pub- 
lic opinion  and  the  law.  It  will  be  a  grand  national  spectacle, 
worthy  the  civilization  of  the  age,  to  see  thirty  millions  of  freemen  r 
armed  with  ballots  instead  of  bullets,  marching  with  silent  in- 
dignation over  the  politicians  to  the  polls.  The  people  North 
and  South  are  determined  to  vote  upon  Crittenden's  proposi- 
tions before  they  take  up  the  sword.  They  ought  to  do  it.  It 
is  due  to  their  God,  to  their  country,  to  their  children,  and  to 
themselves.  The  people  of  North  Carolina  are  not  going  to 
use  the  guns  that  this  Legislature  is  trying  to  thrust  into  their 
hands.  They  are  calling  for  ballots,  and  you  are  offering  bullets. 
It  is  hard  indeed  if  those  who  are  to  do  the  fighting,  can't  first 
be  allowed,  in  an  honorable  way,  to  adjust  the  cause  of  war. 
The  people  know  those  who  are  so  eager  to  vote  arms  are  not 
going  to  use  them.  Every  senator,  every  politician,  who  goes 
into  the  army  will  expect  to  go  as  one  in  command,  with  good 
pay  attached.  When  reports  are  made  out  upon  the  battle 
field,  the  people  know  how  they  will  read — great  praise  will  be 


•  12 

given  to  the  officers  in  command.  The  people  will  be  mentioned 
in  this  way,  "  three  hundred  mules,  and  five  thousand  men  killed." 

During  the  French  Revolution  eighty  thousand  men,  women 
and  children  were  put  to  death  in  close  prisons,  by  the  hands 
of  their  own  neighbors  and  kindred.  After  murdering  each 
other  they  began  to  thirst  for  our  blood,  and  the  French  Di- 
rectory were  upon  the  eve  of  declaring  war  against  the  United 
States.  Mr.  Monroe,  our  Minister  to  the  French  Court,  advised 
them  not  to  do  so ;  to  wait  until  another  election ;  John  Adams 
cannot  be  re-elected,  and  then  the  policy  of  the  United^States 
towards  France  will  be  changed. 

Let  me  say  to  those  who  would  involve  us  in  civil  war — such 
as  desolated  France — Lincoln  cannot  be  re-elected.  Take  to 
yourselves  the  salutary  advice  given  by  Mr.  Monroe  to  the 
French  people. 

The  ninety-four  thousand  office  holders  and  aspirants,  who 
broke  up  the  Democratic  party  at  Charleston,  can  learn  a  useful 
lesson  by  reading  Gil  Bias.  The  Count  Duke  in  Gil  Bias,  like 
some  of  our  late  officials  in  Washington  City,  was  not  able  to 
account  for  the  public  money  which  had  been  committed  to  his 
custody.  Unlike  our  defaulting  officials,  the  Count  was  not  al- 
lowed to  resign,  but  he  was  dismissed  and  sent  away  in^disgrace. 
When  his  friends  called  and  found  him  at  work,  hoe  in  hand, 
he  said :  "  you  see,  my  friends,  I  can  rise  superior  to  my'  mis- 
fortunes." Let  the  ninety-four  thousand  office  holders  who  fear 
to  lose  their  places,  imitate  the  Count ;  let  them  go  to  honest 
work,  and  rise  superior  to  their  misfortunes.  Let  them  cry  as 
loud  for  the  Union  as  they  would  have  done  if  Breckinridge 
had  been  elected,  and  we  shall  have  peace  in  sixty  days. 

I  fear,  Mr.  Speaker,  the  leaders  in  this  revolution  are  like 
Garrick — they  rely  too  much  upon  the  stupidity  of  the  people. 
Garrick  once  called  upon  Fielding  for  a  play.  Fielding  said 
it  was  not  finished.  "  Never  mind  said  Garrick,  give  it  to  me ; 
the  people  are  too  stupid  to  find  it  out."  Fielding  yielded,  and 
sitting  behind  the  curtain  to  witness  the  success  of  his  play, 
heard  the  people  hiss  before  Garrick  was  half  through.  Now, 
said  Fielding,  "  Garrick,  you  see  they  have  found  it  out."  I 
say  to  the  disunionists  and  revolutionists,  before  you  are  half 
through  this  play,  you  will  hear  the  people  hiss  ;  they  are  not  so 


13 

stupid  but  they  will  find  you  out.  They  have  already  found  out  that 
the  government  is  falling  to  pieces  by  its  own  corruption.  Mr. 
Calhoun  said  tiiirty  years  ago — "Avarice  and  political  corrup- 
tion are  ruining  the  countiy." 

When  Nathaniel  Macon  retired  from  Congress,  he  said  to  the 
late  Judge  Nash :  "  Ours  is  the  most  corrupt  Government  on 
earth,  and  instead  of  growing  better,  will  grow  worse."  Eloyd 
and  the  late  robbery  at  Washington  City  make  good  the  predic- 
tion of  Mr.  Macon.  The  people  now  know  that  if  the  days  of 
our  Republic  are  numbered,  the  historian  will  record  that 
the  Government  got  rotten  before  it  got  ripe.  The  people 
without  much  complaining  have  allowed  their  treasury  to  be 
robbed — they  will  not  stand,  like  fat  oxen,  and  allow  those  who 
plundered  now  to  butcher  them. 

COERCION. 

I  am  called  a  coercionist.  I  never  knew  a  well-regulated 
church,  family  or  government  that  did  not  resort  to  coercion. 
We  are  all  coercionists.  We  create  constables  and  sheriffs  for 
the  purpose  of  coercing. 

What  says  the  Constitution  :  Sec.  16.  "  Congress  shall  exer- 
cise exclusive  legislation  in  all  cases  whatsoever  over  such  dis- 
trict (not  exceeding  ten  miles  square)  as  may,  by  cession  of  par- 
ticular States,  and  with  the  acceptance  of  Congress,  become 
the  seat  of  Government  of  the  United  States,  and  exercise  like 
authority  over  all  places  purchased  by  the  consent  of  the  Leg- 
islature of  the  State  in  which  the  same  shall  be,  for  the  erection 
of  forts,  arsenals,  dockyards,  and  other  needful  buildings."' — 
Sec.  17.  "And  to  make  all  laws  which  shall  be  necessary  and 
proper  for  carrying  into  execution  the  foregoing  powers,  and 
all  other  powers  vested  by  this  Constitution  in  the  Government 
of  the  United  States,  or  in  any  department  or  officer  thereof." 

No  one  will  deny  the  authority  of  Congress  to  6ollect  duties  in 
all  th  eports  of  entry  in  the  United  States.  Let  me  read  again 
the  17th  section,  just  referred  to.  Does  it  not  give  Congress  the 
power  to  pass  all  laws  necessary  to  execute  all  Constitutional 
powers  conferred  upon  the  Government  ?  If  the  Constitution 
allows  force  to  be  used  to  execute  its  laws,  I  cannot  help  it.  I 
never  made  the  Constitution.     I  do  not  want  to  go  into  the  new 


14 

government  of  the  South  if  they  are  not  going  to  enforce  the 
laws. 

Constitution  or  no  Constitution,  I  can't  consent,  Mr.  Speak- 
er, to  see  a  Federal  army  invade  the  soil  of  South  Carolina,  to 
"  subjugate  and  make  her  a  conquered  province."  As  the  Sena- 
tor from  Caswell  says,  South  Carolina  cannot  be  subjugated. 
England  attempted  to  subjugate  Ireland  and  Wales.  After  five 
hundred  years  of  war  with  one,  and  two  hundred  years  of  war 
with  the  other,  she  did  conquer  them,  but  it  was  not  with  the 
sword.  An  act  of  Parliament  declared  that  an  Irishman  and 
a  Welshman  were  entitled  to  all  the  rights  and  privileges  of  an 
Englishman,  and  at  once  they  Avere  subdued.  Justice  was  more 
powerful  than  the  sword.  Lincoln,  Mr.  Speaker,  has  read  this 
page  in  history,  as  well  as  you  and  I.  He  knows  you  had  as 
well  try  to  subdue  the  devil  as  to  try  to  subdue  that  fierce  old 
Huguenot  blood.  While  I  would  resist  the  armed  invasion  of 
South  Carolina,  I  could  not  join  that  State  in  driving  out  Unit- 
ed States  soldiers  from  forts  which  they  have  occupied  for 
more  than  fifty  years.  If  I  should  hear  to-day  of  troops  being- 
sent  to  Fort  Caswell,  I  could  only  say,  that 's  our  Fort  and  our 
troops,  and  they  are  lawfully  in  it. 

One  word,  Mr.  Speaker,  to  the  disunion  Senators  who  are  go 
eager  to  avenge  the  injured  honor  of  the  South.  You  are  al- 
ways too  hot  or  too  cold.  You  have  been  the  most  abject  sub- 
missionists  in  the  land  for  many  years.  The  Personal  Liberty 
Bills,  about  which  you  are  now  so  hot  and  indignant,  you  have 
tamely  submitted  to  for  twenty  years.  You  honored  the  State 
that  passed  the  first  Personal  Liberty  Bill,  by  voting  for  Bu- 
chanan, one  of  her  citizens,  for  President.  You  submitted  to 
have  your  slaves  excluded  from  the  common  territory  by  the 
Wilmot  Proviso.  More  than  thatj  you  defended  and  justified  it, 
and  sustained  Mr.  Polk,  who  gave  it  his  sanction.  You  are  not 
the  proper  avengers  of  Southern  honor. 

An  Irish  orator  and  statesman  forty  years  ago,  looking  across 
the  Atantic  with  wonder  and  admiration  at  the  grandeur  and 
growth  of  our  government,  and  the  virtue  of  our  people,  ex- 
claimed— "happy,  proud  America,  the  lightnings  of  Heaven 
yielded  to  your  philosophy,  and  the  temptations  of  earth  could 
not  seduce  your  patriotism." 


15 

Shall  it  be  said  of  us  whose  fathers  ruled  the  lightnings,  that 
we  could  not  rule  ourselves  ?  Shall  it  be  said  of  us  whose 
fathers  the  temptations  of  earth  ceuld  not  seduce,  that  we 
were  seduced  by  the  temptations  of  ©ffice  ?  "  Forbid  it.  Heaven ! 
Forbid  it,  my  countrymen!"  Did  we  bury  with  the  bones  of  our 
fathers  that  philosophy  which  made  the  lightnings  yield,  and 
then  yielded  itself  to  the  Constitution  and  the  law?  Did  we 
bury  with  the  bones  of  our  fathers  that  patriotism  which  made 
us  united  at  home,  feared,  admired  and  respected  abroad? 
Whither  has  fled  the  spirit  of  America,  which  animated  our 
fathers  ?  Drive  it  from  this  land — where  will  it  take  refuge,  where 
will  it  find  a  resting  place  ?  Woe  !  a  thousand  times  woe  !  to 
those  who  would  drive  that  spirit  from  Columbia's  land. 

I  will  say  to  the  senators  from  Cleveland  and  Burke,  who  rejoice 
that  the  Stars  and  Stripes  are  not  allowed  to  float  from  the  dome 
of  the  Capitol,  and  to  those  senators  who  with  them  have  despaired 
of  the  Republic, 

Be  still  sad  hearts  and  cease  repining, 

Behind  the  clouds  I  see  the  Constitution  shining. 

The  senator  from  Buncombe,  says  :  "  The  sting  of  death  has 
entered  the  Constitution  audit  is  now  dead  and  cold  as  a  corpse." 
The  Constitution  is  not  dead ;  it  only  sleepeth.  Those  who  think  it 
dead  may  go  and  bury  it,  and  role  a.  great  stone  upon  the  se- 
pulchre, and  put  an  army  there  to  guard  it,  but  it  will  come  forth  ; 
there  will  be  a  resurrection  as  sure  as  there  is  a  people. 


■felc\S 


